China’s Military Might: Built on a Foundation of Stolen Secrets from the US and Russia

The Chengdu J-20 Mighty Dragon, China’s flagship fifth-generation stealth fighter, has been hailed by Beijing as a symbol of its burgeoning technological prowess. Described in a recent article as “stealthy, advanced, controversial,” the jet boasts impressive capabilities like supercruise speeds, advanced avionics, and a weapons bay for long-range missiles. Yet, beneath the veneer of innovation lies a darker truth: The J-20’s design bears uncanny resemblances to American and Russian stealth fighters, fueling allegations that China’s rapid military modernization is less about homegrown genius and more about systematic theft. As Russian President Vladimir Putin reportedly remarked, “They are very good at copying”—a sentiment echoing Moscow’s growing frustration with Beijing’s espionage tactics.

This pattern extends far beyond the J-20, permeating China’s entire arsenal, from aircraft and missiles to nuclear weapons and submarines. Through cyber hacks, human spies, and reverse-engineering, China has pilfered critical technologies from the United States and Russia, accelerating its rise as a global power while undermining the innovators it copies. The J-20 itself exemplifies this kleptocratic approach to military development. Unveiled in 2011 and entering service in 2017, the fighter incorporates design elements strikingly similar to the U.S. Lockheed Martin F-22 Raptor and F-35 Lightning II, including diverterless supersonic inlets, sensor placements, and stealth shaping. These parallels aren’t coincidental. In 2016, Chinese national Su Bin pleaded guilty to orchestrating a multiyear cyber espionage campaign that stole sensitive F-22 and F-35 blueprints, funneling them to the People’s Liberation Army (PLA).

Drones and unmanned systems reveal the same pattern. The Cai Hong-4 (CH-4) Rainbow drone mirrors the U.S. MQ-9 Reaper, down to sensor placements and munitions hardpoints. Exported to over a dozen countries, the CH-4 underscores how stolen tech not only bolsters the PLA but also generates revenue for Beijing. In 2018, Chinese hackers breached a U.S. Navy contractor, stealing 614 gigabytes of data on submarine sensors, weapons, and the Sea Dragon project—a supersonic anti-ship missile program. This haul included designs for advanced torpedoes and electronic warfare systems, directly feeding China’s Type 093 submarines and anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) strategies. Missile technology theft is equally rampant. China’s HQ-9 surface-to-air missile system is a doppelganger of Russia’s S-300, acquired legally at first but then cloned en masse, violating export agreements. More alarmingly, U.S. intelligence reports China pilfered designs for advanced systems like the Patriot PAC-3, THAAD, and Aegis ballistic missile defenses through a 2013 hack on the Defense Science Board.

China’s methods are sophisticated and multifaceted. Cyber operations, like the 2010 “Operation Aurora” that hit Google and defense firms, extract source code and blueprints. Human intelligence involves recruiting insiders; cases include Hao Zhang, convicted in 2020 for stealing semiconductor tech, and four PLA-linked nationals charged with visa fraud in the same year. Industrial espionage targets dual-use tech, as seen in the 2016 charging of China General Nuclear Power Group for nuclear secrets. Even joint ventures turn sour: Russia sold engines and jets, only for China to copy them, reducing imports by 40% as it builds self-sufficiency. The implications are profound. By stealing rather than innovating, China avoids the costs and risks of R&D, fielding weapons faster and cheaper. This erodes U.S. and Russian technological edges, heightens global tensions, and fuels an arms race. As Putin implied, China’s copying prowess threatens alliances; Moscow now depends on Beijing for components amid Ukraine sanctions, reversing the dynamic. For the U.S., the economic toll runs into billions, with national security compromised—witness the J-20’s potential to challenge F-35 dominance in the Pacific.